Pera, “Why We Should Call Ourselves Christians”

Here is a provocative book by former Italian Senator Marcello Pera (who now teaches philosophy at the Pontifical Lateran University), Why We Should Call Ourselves Christians: The Religious Roots of Free Societies (Encounter Books 2011) (first published in Italian by Mondadori in 2008 under the title, Perchè Dobbiamo Dirci Cristiani).  Among other reasons, this is an interesting contribution as a piece of cultural anthropology.  Pera is a non-believer, and yet he argues for the importance and continuing relevance of Christianity as a social and cultural force in Europe.  The language about societal “collapse” was reminiscent (to me) of some of the writing of Sir Patrick Devlin in the famous Hart-Devlin debates.  A nice window on some of the writing in Italy on questions of interest to CLR Forum readers.  The publisher’s description follows.

The intellectual and political elites of the West take for granted that religion, in particular Christianity, is a cultural vestige, a primitive form of knowledge, a consolation for the weak minded, and an obstacle to peaceful coexistence. We are told that politics must take a neutral stance on religious values, and that societies must hold together without any reference to religious bonds. Liberalism is considered to be “free-standing,” and the Western, liberal, open society is taken to be “self-sufficient.”

In Why We Should Call Ourselves Christians, Marcello Pera reveals that not only is this wrong, it is also dangerous. The very ideas on which liberal societies are based and by which they can be justified—the dignity of the human person, the moral priority of the individual, the view that man is a “crooked timber” inclined to prevarication, the limited confidence in the power of the state to render him virtuous—are distinctively Christian or, more precisely, Judeo-Christian ideas. Take them away and the open society will collapse.

Anti-Christian secularism jeopardizes the identity of the West, leaving it with no conscience. The Founding Fathers of America, as well as major European intellectual figures such as Locke, Kant, and Tocqueville, knew how much our civilization depends on Christianity. “The challenges of our particular historical moment,” as Pope Benedict XVI calls them in the preface to the book, can be faced only if we stress the historical and conceptual link between Christianity and a free society.

Nichols on Marriage

Joel Nichols (University of St. Thomas – Minnesota) has posted Misunderstanding Marriage and Missing Religion on SSRN. The abstract follows.

This Essay is part of a Symposium that considered the virtues and vices of “E-marriage.” That idea, proposed by Professors Adam Candeub and Mae Kuykendall, seeks to “modernize marriage” by using a variation on older notions of proxy marriage, where a couple need not be physically present in order to be “married” in a state. In essence, the Symposium challenged the assumption of presence in a state dictating decision-making about who may marry and under what procedures (infused with an element, at times, of using electronic means to be “present” in another jurisdiction).

Candeub and Kuykendall’s article and, even more so, the Symposium are notable both for their assumption of state control and for their lack of discussion about religion. This Essay offers correctives to both matters. Read more

“Big Mountain Jesus”

Yet another religious display case, this time from Big Mountain, Montana.  For more than 50 years, the Knights of Columbus has maintained a six-foot tall statue, “Big Mountain Jesus,” as a tribute to World War II veterans who told of seeing similar shrines while fighting in Italy. The statue is on public land administered by the US Forest Service. In response to a complaint from the Freedom from Religion Foundation that the  statue violates the Establishment Clause, the Forest Service told the Knights the statue could not remain. This decision caused a public outcry, and the Forest Service is now reconsidering. One possible solution is a land swap, in which the Forest Service would give the 25 x 25 foot parcel on which the statue stands to a nearby ski resort in exchange for another piece of real estate.

This dispute is very similar to Salazar v. Buono, the Mojave Desert Cross case from 2010, the last occasion on which the Court addressed religious displays on public property. Salazar involved a Latin cross erected on public land by a private group as part of a war memorial; when lower courts ruled the cross unconstitutional, the government executed a land swap to convey the memorial to private parties. Procedural complications made Salazar rather narrow, though, and it doesn’t give too much guidance here. Quite apart from Salazar, the Court’s jurisprudence on public religious displays is famously unpredictable. Under some versions of the endorsement test, “Big Mountain Jesus” is pretty clearly unconstitutional. But the Court doesn’t always apply the endorsement test, and Justice Kennedy’s plurality opinion in Salazar indicates that even a sectarian display, in the context of a longstanding war memorial, may be constitutional. The Forest Service plans to announce its decision next year.

President Bush’s Thanksgiving Proclamation of 1989

Most contemporary Thanksgiving proclamations (from the 20th century forward)  have been relatively short — usually one-paragraph affairs which noted the custom of giving thanks to God and got on with it.  George H.W. Bush’s Thanksgiving proclamations tended to be a bit longer and it is evident that he put some time into making them unique.  They are often laced with citations, sometimes from American history, sometimes from scripture, and they stand out for the care with which they were conceived.  Below, the text of President Bush’s first Thanksgiving proclamation in 1989. 

On Thanksgiving Day, we Americans pause as a Nation to give thanks for the freedom and prosperity with which we have been blessed by our Creator. Like the pilgrims who first settled in this land, we offer praise to God for His goodness and generosity and rededicate ourselves to lives of service and virtue in His sight.

This annual observance of Thanksgiving was a cherished American tradition even before our first President, George Washington, issued the first Presidential Thanksgiving proclamation in 1789. In his first Inaugural Address, President Washington observed that “No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the Invisible Hand which conducts the affairs of men more than those of the United States.” He noted that the American people – blessed with victory in their fight for Independence and with an abundance of crops in their fields – owed God “some return of pious gratitude.” Later, in a confidential note to his close advisor, James Madison, he asked “should the sense of the Senate be taken on … a day of Thanksgiving?” George Washington thus led the way to a Joint Resolution of Congress requesting the President to set aside “a day of public Thanksgiving and Prayer, to be observed by acknowledging with grateful hearts the many and signal Favors of Almighty God.”

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President Washington’s 1789 Thanksgiving Proclamation

George Washington’s 1789 Thanksgiving Proclamation was the very first in this American tradition.  What I find particularly noteworthy is the very first line.  The President says that the duty to give thanks to God is not a personal duty, or even a collective social duty, but a national duty.  It is the duty of a country to give thanks to God and to “obey his will.”  This is an idea which is difficult to find in the modern proclamations.  Indeed, one wonders about its constitutional status under some modern religion clause doctrines.  The text of the country’s first Thanksgiving proclamation follows.

Whereas it is the duty of all Nations to acknowledge the providence of almighty God, to obey his will, to be grateful for his benefits, and humbly to implore his protection and favor – and Whereas both Houses of Congress have by their joint Committee requested me “to recommend to the People of the United States a day of public thanksgiving and prayer to be observed by acknowledging with grateful hearts the many signal favors of Almighty God, especially by affording them an opportunity peaceably to establish a form of government for their safety and happiness.”

Now therefore I do recommend and assign Thursday the 26th day of November next to be devoted by the People of these States to the service of that great and glorious Being, who is the beneficent Author of all the good that was, that is, or that will be – That we may then all unite in rendering unto him our sincere and humble thanks – for his kind care and protection of the People of this country previous to their becoming a Nation – for the signal and manifold mercies, and the favorable interpositions of his providence, which we experienced in the course and conclusion of the late war –for the great degree of tranquillity, union, and plenty, which we have since enjoyed – for the peaceable and rational manner in which we have been enabled to establish constitutions of government for our safety and happiness, and particularly the national One now lately instituted, for the civil and religious liberty with which we are blessed, and the means we have of acquiring and diffusing useful knowledge; and in general for all the great and various favors which he hath been pleased to confer upon us.

And also that we may then unite in most humbly offering our prayers and supplications to the great Lord and Ruler of Nations and beseech him to pardon our national and other transgressions – to enable us all, whether in public or private stations, to perform our several and relative duties properly and punctually – to render our national government a blessing to all the People, by constantly being a government of wise, just, and constitutional laws, discreetly and faithfully executed and obeyed – to protect and guide all Sovereigns and Nations (especially such as have shewn kindness unto us) and to bless them with good government, peace, and concord – To promote the knowledge and practice of true religion and virtue, and the increase of science among them and Us – and generally to grant unto all mankind such a degree of temporal prosperity as he alone knows to be best.

Given under my hand at the City of New York the third day of October in the year of our Lord 1789.  GO. WASHINGTON.

President Lincoln’s Second Thanksgiving Proclamation of 1863

The practice of presidential Thanksgiving proclamations was interrupted for 45 years between 1816-1861, to be revived by Abraham Lincoln in earnest.  He issued four proclamations between the years of 1862 – 1864.  Here is the eloquent text of his second 1863 Thanksgiving proclamation.

The year that is drawing toward its close has been filled with the blessings of fruitful fields and healthful skies. To these bounties, which are so constantly enjoyed that we are prone to forget the source from which they come, others have been added which are of so extraordinary a nature that they can not fail to penetrate and soften even the heart which is habitually insensible to the ever-watchful providence of Almighty God.

In the midst of a civil war of unequaled magnitude and severity, which has sometimes seemed to foreign states to invite and to provoke their aggression, peace has been preserved with all nations, order has been maintained, the laws have been respected and obeyed, and harmony has prevailed everywhere, except in the theater of military conflict, while that theater has been greatly contracted by the advancing armies and navies of the Union. Needful diversions of wealth and of strength from the fields of peaceful industry to the national defense have not arrested the plow, the shuttle, or the ship; the ax has enlarged the borders of our settlements, and the mines, as well of iron and coal as of the precious metals, have yielded even more abundantly than heretofore. Population has steadily increased notwithstanding the waste that has been made in the camp, the siege, and the battlefield, and the country, rejoicing in the consciousness of augmented strength and vigor, is permitted to expect continuance of years with large increase of freedom.

No human counsel hath devised nor hath any mortal hand worked out these great things. They are the gracious gifts of the Most High God, who, while dealing with us in anger for our sins, hath nevertheless remembered mercy.

It has seemed to me fit and proper that they should be solemnly, reverently, and gratefully acknowledged, as with one heart and one voice, by the whole American people. I do therefore invite my fellow-citizens in every part of the United States, and also those who are at sea and those who are sojourning in foreign lands, to set apart and observe the last Thursday of November next as a day of thanksgiving and praise to our beneficent Father who dwelleth in the heavens. And I recommend to them that while offering up the ascriptions justly due to Him for such singular deliverances and blessings they do also, with humble penitence for our national perverseness and disobedience, commend to His tender care all those who have become widows, orphans, mourners, or sufferers in the lamentable civil strife in which we are unavoidably engaged, and fervently implore the interposition of the Almighty hand to heal the wounds of the nation and to restore if, as soon as may be consistent with the divine purpose, to the full enjoyment of peace, harmony, tranquillity, and union.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington, this 3d day of October A.D. 1863, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-eighth.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN

President Adams’s 1798 Thanksgiving Proclamation

Over the next couple of days, I thought I would reproduce some historic Thanksgiving proclamations here at CLR Forum.

The first of these is John Adams’s in 1798.  Adams was, in my view, one of the keenest minds to grace the presidency.  In light of my colleague Mark’s post below on this year’s Thanksgiving address, it is worth taking a close look at the text of Adams’s 1798 Thanksgiving proclamation.  An interesting note — it was issued in March and proclaimed May 9, 1798, a “day of solemn humiliation, fasting, and prayer” — a day to offer “devout addresses to the Father of Mercies.”  In other words, the decision to offer “thanks” and other entreaties to God was not a kind of pro forma “ceremonial” event that occurred sometime every late November, but an urgent happening that the grave problems of the time were believed to make necessary.  Adams’s moving proclamation follows.

A PROCLAMATION by the President of the United States of America:

As the safety and prosperity of nations ultimately and essentially depend on the protection and the blessing of Almighty God, and the national acknowledgment of this truth is not only an indispensable duty which the people owe to Him, but a duty whose natural influence is favorable to the promotion of that morality and piety without which social happiness can not exist nor the blessings of a free government be enjoyed; and as this duty, at all times incumbent, is so especially in seasons of difficulty or of danger, when existing or threatening calamities, the just judgments of God against prevalent iniquity, are a loud call to repentance and reformation; and as the United States of America are at present placed in a hazardous and afflictive situation by the unfriendly disposition, conduct, and demands of a foreign power, evinced by repeated refusals to receive our messengers of reconciliation and peace, by depredations on our commerce, and the infliction of injuries on very many of our fellow-citizens while engaged in their lawful business on the seas – under these considerations it has appeared to me that the duty of imploring the mercy and benediction of Heaven on our country demands at this time a special attention from its inhabitants.

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Cornel West to Return to Union Theological Seminary

On November 17, the New York Times reported that Cornel West will be returning this summer to Union Theological Seminary—where (since 1977) he has taught intermittently for decades—to become professor of Philosophy and Christian Practices.  See Cornel West to Take Job in New York, N.Y. Times, Nov. 17, 2011, at A25.

As a cultural critic, West has been a prominent fixture, particularly upon issues of race.  In legal academia, West has supported the Critical Legal Studies movement:  For example, defending Roberto Unger in the pages of the Yale Law Journal, West characterized the long-entrenched liberalism of legal academia by connecting it to broader, more insidious social structures of violence and oppression:

[T]he liberal rule of law and civilian government—two grand achievements of most advanced capitalist societies—result from much bloodshed; bloodshed . . . from those who have been and are victimized by their flaws, imperfections, and structural deficiencies.  [This] link between legal systems and their regulatory impact on the legitimate instrumentalities of violence, as well as [law’s] role in inhibiting or enhancing the well-being of the populace, [critical legal studies] begins with an historical and social analysis of the present cultural context of legal scholarship and education.

Cornel West, Colloquy: CLS and a Liberal Critic, 97 Yale L.J. 757, 765 (1988).

Yet, as the Times notes, West locates his social activism and political bent in the progressive Baptist tradition.  This link between West’s social activism, legal criticism, and evangelical roots places his work in the same vein as that of figures like James H. Cone, his colleague at Union.  (See my commentary on Cone and his recent work The Cross and the Lynching Tree [Orbis 2011], which combines a theology of the cross with a critical look at black oppression throughout American history.)

Imago Dei & the (Forgotten) Roots of Human Rights

Campbell Law Review (Regent University Law) recently published Looking For Bedrock: Accounting for Human Rights in Classical Liberalism, Modern Secularism, and the Christian Tradition by Professor C. Scott Pryor, also of Regent Law. 33 Campbell L. Rev. 609 (2011).

Professor Pryor argues that the corresponding rights and duties of prototypical Western “human rights” were not free floating:  In Christian, Hebraic, and even Roman civil law traditions they originated in grounded conceptions of human nature.  These notions defined the human being and the rights others owed to him or her and the corresponding duties he or she owed to others.  While the Western conception of human rights has continued to develop, Pryor asserts that knowledge of these rights’ foundation has eroded; as memories fade, consensus as to what are human rights and their implications becomes harder to reach.  When this consensus becomes more remote, human-rights-based arguments lose their salience.  Pryor’s discussion of the weakening of rights discourse is analogous to Alasdair MacIntyre’s bleak premise in  After Virtue (3d ed. 2007) that, over time, “the language of morality [has reached a] state of grave disorder.”  Id. at 2.  (In my post criticizing Richard Dawkins’ overly bellicose rhetoric, I discuss After Virtue in greater depth.)

For further discussion of this problem and Pryor’s solution, please follow the jump. Read more

Winship on the Massachusetts Bay Colony

Michael P. Winship (University of Georgia) has written a book on Puritan government in the Massachusetts Bay Colony, Godly Republicanism (Harvard) (forthcoming 2012). The publisher’s description follows:

Puritans did not find a life free from tyranny in the new world—they created it there. Massachusetts emerged a republic as they hammered out a vision of popular participation and limited government in church and state, spurred by Plymouth pilgrims. Godly Republicanism underscores how pathbreaking yet rooted in puritanism’s history the project was.

Michael Winship takes us first to England, where he uncovers the roots of the puritans’ republican ideals in the aspirations and struggles of Elizabethan Presbyterians. Faced with the twin tyrannies of Catholicism and the crown, Presbyterians turned to the ancient New Testament churches for guidance. What they discovered there—whether it existed or not—was a republican structure that suggested better models for governing than monarchy.

The puritans took their ideals to Massachusetts, but they did not forge their godly republic alone. In this book, for the first time, the separatists’ contentious, creative interaction with the puritans is given its due. Winship looks at the emergence of separatism and puritanism from shared origins in Elizabethan England, considers their split, and narrates the story of their reunion in Massachusetts. Out of the encounter between the separatist Plymouth pilgrims and the puritans of Massachusetts Bay arose Massachusetts Congregationalism.